Tuesday, August 27, 2013

"NO" directed by Pablo Larraín, with Gael Garcia Bernal.

"NO" is said to be film director Pablo Larraín's final film of an Augusto Pinochet trilogy that began with "Tony Manero," the second being "Post Mortem," films I reviewed in Screen Shots last month. It is based on real events.  "No" features Gael García Bernal and Alfredo Castro.

Gael Garcia Bernal as René  Saavedra at work in the ad agency.


Bernal plays René Saavedra, an in-demand advertising accounts executive in the creative department of an agency run by Lucho Guzmán (Larraín regular, Alfredo Castro).  In Chilé in 1988, the government was so certain that after 15 years of Pinochet's military dictatorship, he would easily get another eight years in office.  The government decided on a plebiscite, a simple Yes or No vote by its citizens.  If Yes, another 8 for Pinochet; if  No, a free and open democratic election sans Pinochet.  The committee for the No campaign, knowing of Saavedra's work, had no doubts that he could pull off a successful ad campaign that would ensure a No majority.

I had been watching reruns of the Cable series, "Mad Men", so seeing Saavedra and his group working up copy and TV spots for the campaign was interesting and intriguing.  Smartly, he avoided focusing on how Pinochet's murderous dirty work affected the majority of Chileans.  Instead, he created up-beat, fun ads for the No campaign that gave people optimism and hope.  Guzmán was not happy (for once, Castro was not playing an pathological, obsessive killer ("Tony Manero"); a loser with a dead-end job ("Post Mortem"); or a licentious, homosexual patient in an asylum for the mentally ill ("Fugue"), but a believable ad executive a la the Roger Sterling character in "Mad Men".

Guzmán feared losing his rich corporate clients if they found out that his firm was involved in the No campaign.  Authorities' attempts to intimidate Saavedra and sabotage his work,  failed.  The unorthodox marketing theme is thought by some No members to be a simple-minded dismissal of the regime's horrific abuses.  Nevertheless, the campaign approves Saavedra's proposal.  Lucho offers Saavedra a partnership if he drops the campaign.  He refuses.  Lucho then signs on to the Yes campaign not only to save face with his clients, but for survival
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The  "No" ads are followed up by international Hollywood celebrity spots and wildly popular street concert rallies.  The police attacks are futile.  Ironically, the "Yes" side is desperate to the point of parodying the "No" ads.


Again, as in his previous films, there were criticisms about "production values."  In "No," Larraín used low definition, magnetic tape, widely used in the '80s by Chilean television news, prompting some entertainment rags to argue that this most likely lessened the film's chances not only commercially, but also for getting an Oscar. ("NO" was nominated for Best Foreign Film.)  An article in the Village Voice stated that  the film allows Larraín's new material to mesh seamlessly with the 1988 archival film clips of actual police crackdowns and pro-democracy assemblies that Larraín included.  The article went on to state that this decision was  an "accomplishment in cinematic verisimilitude."

Genaro Arriagada, head of the real No campaign, accused Larraín of simplifying history, focusing exclusively on the advertising campaign and ignoring the grassroots voter registration effort that played a huge part in getting out the No vote.   The director defended his film saying that he created art not a documentary.  He went on to say that "a movie is not a testament. It’s just the way we looked at it."  Further, a Chilean political science professor questioned whether the moment that political activism turned into marketing should br celebrated, instead of a discussion of principles.  However, were it a documentary, would it have gotten the play it did?








Sunday, August 4, 2013

DIRTY WARS and FRUITVALE STATION





DIRTY WARS, a documentary film, written by Jeremy Scahill and directed by Rick Rowley. 



 The documentary film “Dirty Wars” should sicken, anger, and depress you.   Investigative reporter Jeremy Scahill , who wrote the film, has done his job.  Seems that the United States presidential administration has allowed  the CIA to work jointly with a once  secret US paramilitary team  known as JSOC (Joint Special Operations Command) to do its dirty work outside the law.  Since 9-11-2001, and the beefing up of the Patriot Act, JSOC  has been authorized to kill anyone carte blanche that the US government believes is  intent on doing harm to the United States-politically, militarily, or socially.  These suspects are not arrested, given no jail time, no trial, just death carried out in secret by this team of uniformed, armed dudes (some dudettes in the future, perhaps) who answer to no one but whomever happens to be in the White House  at the time.   Recently, their operations went wide in that they are authorized to kill even  US citizens believed to be connected to terrorists in any way, be it through family, a charitable organization, friend, or acquaintance.
Immediately after the US bombed Afghanistan in October 2001, invaded and shelled Iraq in 2003, Scahill went to these countries on his own with his notebook, a tape recorder, a translator, and a cameraman.  He trucked into dangerous provinces in Afghanistan to investigate night raids, and after winning the villagers’ trust,  interviewed them.   They spoke openly about the atrocities that the US military and its coalition forces wreaked upon them.   There is a scene where they show Scahill cell phone videos where families are dancing and singing at a wedding party; suddenly it turns to chaos when, without  warning, the building is bombed and shelled, and the wedding partiers-men, women, and children are blown to bits and maimed.  They show him photos of the aftermath: fathers carrying limp bodies of their children; women wailing, the bloodied dead, dying, and wounded.  They are disturbing and difficult to look at.  This type of raid is carried out by US forces who allegedly have proof that the place was harboring the Taliban or Al Qaeda.  With scenes like these- and there are several- Scahill raises the documentary from a dry, factual account featuring pundits’, military  officials’, and/or world leaders’ talking heads to the heart-wrenching personal stories of innocent people’s suffering and those responsible. 
 
Scahill (3rd frm left) with Afghan villagers
The film concludes with the assassination by a US drone strike of outspoken, radical Muslim Anwar Al Awlaki , an American citizen, in Yemen.  Scahill included photos and videos of Awlaki’s 16 year old, American-born son growing up, and as a young college student, playing sports with his friends in the United States.   He had gone to Yemen to look for his father.  He too was killed in the same manner.  Why?  Both were on the US administration’s not-so-secret “kill list,”- so, fair game.  Awlaki was killed not for any terrorist acts, but for his words.  He had been charged with inspiring Muslims in America and in the Arab world to kill Americans; his son, guilt by association.  Father and son were never charged with any crime, nor were they arrested or brought to trial which is an American citizen’s right.  These killings are unprecedented.   As one reviewer stated, Scahill uncovered a “world of covert operations unknown to the public and carried out across the globe by men who do not exist on paper and will never appear before Congress.  In military jargon, JSOC teams ‘find, fix, and finish’ their targets.”
“Dirty Wars” is an important film detailing a “war” that goes underreported.  In fact, the film played in only one theatre in San Francisco for one week.  The day I went to see it, the power had gone out; then, the theatre closed for renovation; the film was not picked up by another movie house, which is usually the case.    I had to travel to Berkeley to catch it at the one theatre that carried it in all of the Bay Area counties.  This is a shame.  Still, we are fortunate that Scahill and other truth-seekers and tellers like him have not been silenced.  Can we be certain, given the fate of Snowden, Assange, and Manning, that they will not be? Try to get it when it comes out on DVD, Netflix, Hulu, or wherever.

This review has been published also on  www.socialistaction.org

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FRUITVALE STATION.  Directed by Ryan Coogler, starring Michael B. Jordan, Olivia Spencer, and Melonie Diaz

Michael B. Jordan as Oscar Grant III


Fruitvale Station is filmmaker and director Ryan Coogler’s first work and is as polished and professional as any seasoned Hollywood filmmaker’s.  He opens his film with the authentic, jumpy, low resolution of the cell phone videos taken of the tragic killing of Oscar Grant III that early New Year’s morning by a BART cop.  Towards the end, Coogler recreated the scene fictionally, capturing the verisimilitude of the original.
Coincidently, the film hit the theatres about the same time George Zimmerman, the self-styled neighborhood security cop, was awarded a not guilty verdict for shooting and killing unarmed, 17-year old, black youth Trayvon Martin in a Miami suburb.

Fruitvale Station is an independent docu-drama, a fictional account of Grant’s murder by BART cop Johannes Mehserle (whose identity is neither revealed in the film, nor in the film’s database).  The film shows him shooting Grant in the back as he lay prone and handcuffed on the platform of Oakland’s Fruitvale BART station.   Grant is played by Michael B. Jordan who has Denzel Washington’s charm and winning smile.  He, his girlfriend, Sophina (Melonie Diaz) and mother of his four year old daughter, Tatiana (a delightful, natural Ariana Neal), and their friends were on their way home on a BART train from the New Year’s Eve fireworks in San Francisco.  An altercation broke out and the train was stopped at Fruitvale Station.  BART police arrived, ordered Grant and his friends off the train.  Grant insisted that they weren’t doing anything. 

Oscar Grant & Friends  with BART cops at Fruitvale Station
    What followed was a brutal attack along with undue harassment and beating by the cops on innocent people, which ended with Grant’s death.    The audience in the theatre, including me, involuntarily gasped and cried out in disbelief when the shot was heard that killed Grant, even though we knew the outcome.  The camera stayed on Grant’s face as it registered his confusion.  You felt him thinking, “This can’t be happening.”  

   Though we saw the scene captured by cell phone at the beginning of the film, Coogler’s recreation of it towards the end had more impact in that he allowed us to get to know Grant during the 24 hours before he was killed.   Heartbreaking.   We see him with Sophina, playing with Tatiana, taking her to preschool; and in a fictional scene he’s caring for a dog that had been hit by a car.  Also, there’s a joyous celebration for his mother’s birthday with grandparents, siblings, and kids.  Coogler makes it feel as though we’re there. 
 
Grant was not blemish-free.  During the hours before his death, we learn that he had lost his job but pretended he was still working and threatened his ex-boss when he tried to get it back; lied to his girlfriend about seeing other women; and sold marijuana to make money.   In a scene by the bay, as Grant waits for his contact, he reflects on his time in San Quentin (shown in flashback) and how it affected his mother, Wanda, beautifully played by Olivia Spencer (Oscar recepient for The Help); his girlfriend and their daughter.  In that scene, Jordan lets you witness Oscar Grant’s epiphany; he’s that good an actor.  He made his New Year’s resolution, but Mehserle kept him from realizing it.
Jordan and Ariana as Grant and Tatiana
 
As of this writing, an appeals court granted the Oscar Grant family the right to sue the BART police officer for killing their son.
Oscar Grant III and Trayvon Martin are symbols for mostly young black males in America who are subjected to ongoing, documented killings and beatings by law enforcement officials, though many go unreported.  It is said that the race of the cop is not a factor, it’s the group psychology of the general law enforcement population, the “blue” cop.  This has to change.

This review has been adapted for publication in the alternative, national newspaper, Socialist Action, and posted on its website.  Subscribe on line at www.socialistaction.org.
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